Parents have very warm feelings toward other parents. Here’s why that could be bad news for the child-free
Zachary P. Neal, Associate Professor of Psychology, Michigan State University;
Jennifer Watling Neal, Professor of Psychology, Michigan State University
The aphorism “birds of a feather flock together” describes the fact that people tend to prefer associating with others who are similar to themselves. The phenomenon goes by different names: Sociologists call it homophily, psychologists call it in-group favoritism and political scientists call it affective polarization. It’s observed in a wide range of demographic and social characteristics including sex, race, religion, age, education and political party.
But what about parental status? Do parents prefer other parents? What about child-free people who don’t want to be parents? Do these preferences even matter?
Pronatalism, a set of beliefs and political policies that promotes and favors human reproduction, is common in many countries. Therefore, it’s not surprising that people tend to have more positive attitudes about parents than they do about child-free people.
For example, people generally perceive parents as kinder and more psychologically fulfilled than child-free people. Additionally, people express feelings of admiration toward mothers and feelings of disgust toward child-free women.
However, these are general attitudes and don’t tell us about how people feel about others who have made the same reproductive choices as themselves. That’s why, in a 2022 study of 1,500 Michigan adults, weasked parents how they felt toward other parents and toward child-free people. We also asked child-free people how they felt toward other child-free people and toward parents.
We found that parents strongly favored other parents, but child-free adults didn’t necessarily favor other child-free adults. That is, parents exhibit in-group favoritism, but child-free adults don’t.
A “feeling thermometer” question is one common way to measure how people in one group feel about people in their own group or in other groups. This question asks a person to rate how warmly they feel toward a group on a scale from 0, or very cool, to 100, or very warm.
For example, in 2017 the Pew Research Center asked people how they felt about members of their own religion and members of different religions. White evangelicals reported feeling very warm toward other white evangelicals, with an average warmth score of 81. Likewise, atheists reported feeling very warm toward other atheists, with an average warmth score of 82.
This is evidence of in-group favoritism. At the same time, evangelicals reported feeling very cool toward atheists, with an average warmth score of only 33. Likewise, atheists reported feeling very cool toward evangelicals, with an average warmth score of only 29. This is evidence of what’s called “out-group derogation” – people dislike members of other groups.
We used the same approach to compare parents and child-free adults, and discovered three important patterns.
First, child-free people feel about the same toward other child-free people as they do toward parents. This was surprising because usually people feel warmer toward members of their own group, but we saw no evidence of in-group favoritism among child-free people.
Second, parents feel much warmer toward other parents than they do toward child-free people. This is a classic example of in-group favoritism – parents like other parents.
Finally, both parents and child-free people feel about the same toward child-free people. This is important because it means that although parents really like other parents, they don’t dislike child-free people. That is, we saw no evidence of out-group derogation.
In a related 2022 study, we surveyed 1,000 adults living in rural, suburban and urban areas throughout Michigan, asking them how satisfied they were with their neighborhood. We found that child-free adults were significantly less satisfied with their neighborhoods than both married parents and people who were planning to become parents.
The strong in-group favoritism among parents might help explain why. Although we did not observe evidence that parents dislike child-free people, their strong preference for other parents could still lead them to inadvertently exclude their child-free neighbors. For example, when it’s time to plan a neighborhood event like a block party, parents may be more inclined to recruit other parents to help. This could lead child-free people feeling out of place in parent and child-focused neighborhoods.
When neighborhoods are focused on parents and children, as commentersincreasinglysuggestthey should be, they are often described as being “family-friendly.” As a result, there are websites offering advice about how to find a family-friendly neighborhood. However, these neighborhoods may be more friendly toward some types of families than others.
With both fertility and marriage rates declining in the United States, the numbers of child-free people are likely to increase.
As this new family type becomes more common, it’s important to rethink who neighborhoods are for and what it means for a neighborhood to be family-friendly. But it also means rethinking other areas of life too, including workplace work-life balance policies and government tax credits.
___
Zachary P. Neal receives funding from the Institute for Public Policy and Social Research at Michigan State University.
Jennifer Watling Neal receives funding from the Institute for Public Policy and Social Research at Michigan State University.
___
Parents have very warm feelings toward other parents. Here’s why that could be bad news for the child-free
Krakenimages.com
Photo Credit: Krakenimages.com / Shutterstock
The last few years have been tough on working parents. Daycare and school closures during the COVID-19 pandemic forced parents to rearrange their work schedules, reduce their hours, or even leave the workforce entirely. As a result, childcare came into focus as an essential part of a well-functioning labor market and the broader economy. And in response, policymakers expanded the Child Tax Credit to provide additional financial assistance for families with kids, but the payments have since reverted to previous levels.
Krakenimages.com
Photo Credit: Krakenimages.com / Shutterstock
The last few years have been tough on working parents. Daycare and school closures during the COVID-19 pandemic forced parents to rearrange their work schedules, reduce their hours, or even leave the workforce entirely. As a result, childcare came into focus as an essential part of a well-functioning labor market and the broader economy. And in response, policymakers expanded the Child Tax Credit to provide additional financial assistance for families with kids, but the payments have since reverted to previous levels.
Parents have very warm feelings toward other parents. Here’s why that could be bad news for the child-free
Over the past two decades, childcare costs have risen much faster than overall prices. Between 2000 and 2021, prices for all goods and services increased by 76%, while prices for daycare and preschool climbed by nearly 120%. Today, American families with children 13 and under spend a median $6,000 (or 5.3% of their income) on childcare annually, according to data from the Census Bureau’s Current Population Survey.
The expanded Child Tax Credit, part of the American Rescue Plan, increased the Child Tax Credit from $2,000 to either $3,600 (for children under age 6) or $3,000 (for other children under age 18 in 2021). The American Rescue Plan also increased the Child and Dependent Care Tax Credit, which helps to offset childcare expenses, up to $5,900 or higher. However, while there is federal support to renew these credits, starting in 2022, both credits have reverted to previous levels while many families are facing large childcare costs, record-high inflation, and other economic uncertainties.
Over the past two decades, childcare costs have risen much faster than overall prices. Between 2000 and 2021, prices for all goods and services increased by 76%, while prices for daycare and preschool climbed by nearly 120%. Today, American families with children 13 and under spend a median $6,000 (or 5.3% of their income) on childcare annually, according to data from the Census Bureau’s Current Population Survey.
The expanded Child Tax Credit, part of the American Rescue Plan, increased the Child Tax Credit from $2,000 to either $3,600 (for children under age 6) or $3,000 (for other children under age 18 in 2021). The American Rescue Plan also increased the Child and Dependent Care Tax Credit, which helps to offset childcare expenses, up to $5,900 or higher. However, while there is federal support to renew these credits, starting in 2022, both credits have reverted to previous levels while many families are facing large childcare costs, record-high inflation, and other economic uncertainties.
Parents have very warm feelings toward other parents. Here’s why that could be bad news for the child-free
While median annual childcare spending is $6,000 overall among families with kids 13 and under, childcare costs vary across the U.S. In certain states, median annual childcare spending tops $9,000. Families with children 13 and under in Alaska and Minnesota spend $9,600 and $9,400, respectively, on childcare expenses. Meanwhile, childcare is much more affordable in other parts of the country such as West Virginia where families spend just $3,000 on annual childcare expenses.
While median annual childcare spending is $6,000 overall among families with kids 13 and under, childcare costs vary across the U.S. In certain states, median annual childcare spending tops $9,000. Families with children 13 and under in Alaska and Minnesota spend $9,600 and $9,400, respectively, on childcare expenses. Meanwhile, childcare is much more affordable in other parts of the country such as West Virginia where families spend just $3,000 on annual childcare expenses.
Parents have very warm feelings toward other parents. Here’s why that could be bad news for the child-free
High childcare costs have disproportionate impacts on low-income families and racial minorities, many of whom allocate significantly more than 7% of their income to childcare—the threshold used by the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services to assess childcare affordability. American Indian and Alaskan Native families spend 8.5% of their income on childcare while non-Hispanic White families spend 5% and Asian families spend just 4.6%. Households earning less than $25,000 spend nearly 17% of their income on childcare while households earning $100,000 or more spend just 4.3%.
To determine the states with the most and least affordable childcare, researchers at HowtoHome.com analyzed the latest data from the U.S. Census Bureau’s Current Population Survey. The researchers ranked states according to the median share of household income spent on childcare, among households with children 13 and under who spent money on childcare. Researchers also calculated median annual childcare spending and median annual household income for the same group of households.
High childcare costs have disproportionate impacts on low-income families and racial minorities, many of whom allocate significantly more than 7% of their income to childcare—the threshold used by the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services to assess childcare affordability. American Indian and Alaskan Native families spend 8.5% of their income on childcare while non-Hispanic White families spend 5% and Asian families spend just 4.6%. Households earning less than $25,000 spend nearly 17% of their income on childcare while households earning $100,000 or more spend just 4.3%.
To determine the states with the most and least affordable childcare, researchers at HowtoHome.com analyzed the latest data from the U.S. Census Bureau’s Current Population Survey. The researchers ranked states according to the median share of household income spent on childcare, among households with children 13 and under who spent money on childcare. Researchers also calculated median annual childcare spending and median annual household income for the same group of households.
Parents exhibit what psychologists call ‘in-group favoritism.’ SolStock/E+ via Getty Images